The Texas Triangle: A rising megaregion unlike all others (2021)

Concept of “megaregions”

• Several commenters find the megaregion maps simplistic, as if they just circle clusters of large cities; some question whether this adds much beyond “most activity is where most people live.”
• Others argue megaregions are about integrated economic systems and trade patterns, not just proximity.
• Shapes on the maps are criticized for enclosing large “nothingness” (rural, ocean, swamp) and lumping poorly connected places together (e.g., Chicago–Pittsburgh, Spokane–Seattle/Portland).
• It’s noted that many sizable cities (Phoenix, Salt Lake City, Minneapolis, Denver, Boise) sit outside the highlighted megaregions, and that’s argued to correlate with weaker economic dynamism.

Is the Texas Triangle distinctive?

• Some see the Triangle as a plausible megaregion but are unconvinced it is uniquely “distinctive” or “exceptional” versus other one-state clusters (Florida, SoCal, NorCal).
• Proximity to Mexico is mentioned as a major unaddressed advantage (labor, demographics, manufacturing).
• Others think the article reads partly like institutional or regional marketing.

Transportation and connectivity

• A recurring complaint: weak intercity transit among Dallas–Austin–San Antonio–Houston.
  • Car: 3–5 hours between cities, often on non-freeway routes.
  • Train: slow, freight-priority, and unreliable; often slower than driving.
  • Air: many intra-Texas flights; total door-to-door time can be similar to driving.
• Examples from elsewhere (Northeast Corridor, SoCal, Pacific Northwest, UK/Europe, Brightline in Florida) are used both to show what “good” rail looks like and to emphasize how far Texas/US are behind.
• Premium bus services (e.g., business-class coaches) are praised as a viable stopgap, though considered expensive by some.

Eminent domain and infrastructure politics

• High-speed rail plans (e.g., Houston–Dallas) are said to be stalled largely over land acquisition.
• Strong debate over eminent domain:
  • One side emphasizes property rights, generational land ownership, and abuses, especially in poor neighborhoods and past highway projects.
  • The other stresses collective benefits and the coordination problem when thousands of owners can each hold out.
• Texas is portrayed as willing to use eminent domain for highways and pipelines, but rail triggers more resistance; past mega-corridor failures left political “scar tissue.”

Does it feel like a megaregion?

• Many Texans say it doesn’t feel like a continuous corridor the way the Northeast does; cities are culturally distinct with large empty stretches between.
• Others, especially those with family, education, or work ties across cities, report frequent intra-triangle movement and growing economic and demographic linkages, particularly along the Austin–San Antonio corridor.
• Some note increasing urban progressivism and tech/business dispersion beyond Austin, but also rising climate concerns (e.g., extreme heat).

Broader political and social context

• A few commenters see megaregion talk as loosely linked to recurring fantasies about Texas secession or fragmentation into multiple states, but others argue secession is politically unrealistic and mostly rhetorical.
• There is sharp criticism of recent Texas state politics (DEI bans, abortion laws, etc.), with some stating they avoid living, working, or sending children there; others respond that the state is internally diverse and not uniformly aligned.