Hook, hold, harvest and hide: Meta's alleged strategy laid out in first week

Meta’s U.S. trial over alleged harm to children from its social platforms is prompting broader scrutiny of “addiction engineering” in tech, with many comparing its tactics to tobacco and opioid companies. Commenters argue that profit incentives make corporations structurally unable to self-police practices that exploit vulnerable users, especially minors and the elderly, and call for stronger regulation and personal accountability for executives. Others push back that such framing is partly driven by lawyers’ narratives, raising concerns about selective prosecution, overbroad definitions of “mind control,” and the real-world dependence of small businesses and societies on services like WhatsApp and Facebook.

Corporate & legal accountability for harm

  • Many argue more CEOs should face prison, not just fines, for large‑scale social harm; others warn that vague standards like “harming society” resemble authoritarian tools.
  • Comparisons to China split the thread: some praise harsh treatment of business leaders; others stress it’s often politically targeted and not a model to copy.
  • Several note US enforcement is highly selective, especially for white‑collar crime; others counter that executives do sometimes go to jail, but mostly for investor fraud, not social or environmental damage.
  • There is concern that going after only Meta, if many firms behave similarly, risks politically selective prosecution but can also be a strategy to “make an example” with limited resources.

Meta’s ethics and employee responsibility

  • Many see Meta/Facebook as fundamentally immoral, arguing anyone choosing to work there now is complicit.
  • Others say corporations themselves don’t have morals; they are structures diffusing responsibility, which is precisely the problem.
  • Debate over where accountability lies: top leadership and board vs mid‑level managers vs individual contributors; fear of scapegoating ICs like in past scandals (e.g., Wells Fargo).

Addiction engineering & “mind control”

  • Strong condemnation of intentional “addiction engineering,” especially targeting teens; likened to a black‑hat attack on the human nervous system and to assault.
  • View that businesses are structurally incapable of self‑policing profitable harms, so only regulation that universally bans certain practices can work.
  • Others note the gray area: making products engaging vs addictive. Questions arise about whether most modern advertising and UX optimization become de facto “mind control.”
  • Suggested regulatory approach: first outlaw explicit, secretive R&D programs whose stated goal is maximizing addiction, then iteratively tighten boundaries.

Children vs elderly as vulnerable groups

  • Core lawsuit focuses on children, but some argue elderly users are at least as vulnerable: easier to scam, politically manipulable, and still voting.
  • Counterarguments: elders are autonomous adults with life experience, whereas minors lack full rights and capacity; yet technology naïveté and cognitive decline complicate this.

Regulation, age verification & surveillance

  • Skepticism that Meta’s support for child‑safety/age‑verification laws is altruistic; some see it as a path to mass surveillance or liability offloading.
  • Others note Meta is lobbying for on‑device age checks (pushing burden to Apple/Google), while future digital IDs could make centralized verification and tracking more scalable.

Meta’s structural power & dependence

  • Some call for dissolving Meta and jailing leadership, dismissing fines as ledger entries that quickly wash out.
  • Pushback notes heavy dependence on WhatsApp and Facebook pages by small businesses worldwide; abrupt shutdown could cause serious economic disruption.
  • Others believe migration to alternatives would be rapid, though there is disagreement, citing Twitter’s messy collapse as a caution.

Corporate personhood & rule of law

  • One side blames US corporate personhood and weak penalties: perpetual existence, non‑jailable entities, modest fines, and executives rarely punished personally.
  • Replies clarify corporations have only some human‑like rights and can be dissolved, but proving personal criminal liability for top executives is inherently hard.
  • Tension between wanting stronger tools to punish “societal damage” and fear that vague standards could be abused against disfavored activities or technologies.